Worlds lone superpower

Worlds lone superpower In order to answer this question successfully we must answer it in four distinct sections. In the first section we will examine the debate over whether the United States is a hegemonic power or an imperial power. In the second section we will look at the main sources of Americas strength, examining the extent of its military power as well the power of its economy and the extent of its soft power. In the third section we will examine the nature of American weakness in the international arena, pointing to the Iraq War of 2003 and the War on Terror as two areas that expose American weakness clearly in todays world. In the fourth and final section we will analyse the rise of China, considering the arguments that this can be seen either as a threat or an opportunity. We will conclude that the United States is the worlds lone superpower and that the rise of China need not be viewed as a threat. According to Nexon and Wright modern international relations scholars operate with the assumption that whether the United States is an empire, the preeminent power in a unipolar system, or the leader of a hegemonic order, (this) shapes the basic dynamics of international politics[1]. Some have even gone as far as to suggest that the United States is simply a modern day imperial power. Hardt and Negri argue that imperial tendencies go right to the heart of the American constitution. They offer us the concept of imperial sovereignty and suggest that perhaps the fundamental characteristic of imperial sovereignty is that its space is always open[2]. They examine the constitutional history of the United States and find that each phase of its constitutional history marks a step toward the realisation of imperial sovereignty[3]. Hill has observed that this is a fundamental difference between the United States and China. It is commonplace to observe that the United States, for example, has c onsistently believed that its own values should be exported, whereas China has never felt the need to proselytise, despite its own conviction of superiority[4]. Hardt and Negri argue that the constitution of the United States has strong imperial tendencies and that this means that the United States is well placed in terms of acquiring a large Empire. However, these imperial tendencies are fundamentally different from previous imperialist nations. It is imperial because the U.S. constitutional project is constructed on the model of rearticulating an open space and reinventing incessantly diverse and singular relations in networks across an unbounded terrain[5]. The new imperialism is based upon open spaces and integrated networks, by which they refer primarily to the globalised world economy and it is the lead that the United States offers in this sphere that provides her with the power to stand at the head of the international community. Empire today does not mean anything like what we have always meant by empire. It occupies no lands; it has no center (not even in Washington); it doesnt depend on tightly controlled satellite governments; it is a postmodern entity[6]. Chalmers Johnson offers us another theory of the relationship between the US and Empire. Chalmers argues that the United States has not sought to actively conquer territories. In more modern times, unlike many empires, we did not annex territories at all. Instead we took (or sometimes merely leased) exclusive military zones within territories, creating not an empire of colonies but an empire of bases[7]. Chalmers goes on to show that the Department of Defence has admitted to the existence of some 725 overseas bases, but that many of these bases are ill equipped indeed to actively participate in any war. Instead these bases are the headquarters for our proconsuls, visible manifestations of our imperial reach[8]. We can see therefore that for Chalmers the imperialism of the United States is most tellingly portrayed by the extensive reach of the American military base, not as an active fighting force but instead as a way for the United States to spread its imperial tentacles. However, n ot all scholars agree that the term Empire or imperialism is valid in depicting the role of the United States in the world. Andrew Hurrell agrees that notions of informal empire provide some analytical purchase[9] when looking at the type of power that the United States exhibits in the modern world. However, Hurrell is reluctant to use the term Empire when referring to the United States. It is analytically more useful to understand the United States as a hegemonic rather than an imperial power, because doing so forces the analyst to focus directly on the crucial questions of negotiation, legitimacy and followership'[10]. Even if the United States is not an Empire, its sources of strength are clear. Brookes and Wohlforth have argued that the sources of American strength are so varied and so durable that U.S. foreign policy today operates in the realm of choice rather than necessity to a greater degree than any other power in modern history[11]. Unquestionably the military might of the United States is one critical factor. After the end of the Cold War America invested heavily in building up its military strength. The Americans were determined to increase their military strength to such a level that the United States would be able to overcome any enemy or combination of enemies. In 1999 the United States declared that its military expenditures now are larger than all other countries combined[12] and this attitude encapsulated the mood of the public and of Capitol Hill with regard to the military. After the Cold War, the measure of adequacy was no longer simply military strength; it had become military supremacy, a position endorsed by liberals as well as conservatives, Democrats as well as Republicans[13]. However, some have argued that the importance of military strength in defining the extent of a nations relative power in the international system is declining. The factors of technology, education, and economic growth are becoming more significant in international power, while geography, population and raw materials are becoming somewhat less important[14]. Fortunately for the United States it is well placed in all these new areas as well as continuing to exert more traditional forms of hard military power. The economy of the United States for example is still one that is immensely powerful and it accounts for over one-fifth of the world gross product. Joseph Nye has argued that as the nature of power undergoes transformations in the modern world traditional notions of hard power are becoming intertwined with the idea of soft power. A state may achieve the outcomes it prefers i n world politics because other states want to follow it or have agreed to a situation that produces such effects. In this sense, it is just as important to set the agenda and structure the situations in world politics as to get others to change in particular cases[15]. One important area of this soft power is the extent to which the United States is considered to be the legitimate world leader, not only the moral leader of the world but also its undoubted trend-setter. The pervasive influence of the United States cannot only be felt in the power of its military or in the strength of its economy but in its ability to inspire the peoples of other nations to strive for the same ideals for which it strives. On this viewing the cultural influence of the United States is just as important as its other sources of power. Unquestionably globalisation has allowed many non-Western people the chance to get their hands on many Western products and ideas. The important part of this is that many o f these people voluntarily choose to embrace Western ideas and products and this is undoubtedly an important source of strength for the United States. Despite such overwhelming strength some scholars do point to sources of weakness. Michael Ignatieff has argued that the Iraq War of 2003 is a turning point in American history. He claims that the war is imperial in its character but that an imperial war goes against the very heart of American values. A role once played by the Ottoman Empire, then by the French and the British, will now be played by a nation that has to ask whether in becoming an empire it risks losing its soul as a republic[16]. The American nation was born in the struggle against Empire and if it itself turns imperial then this could prove to be a source of weakness for the United States as it would heavily dilute its national character. The United States would then be vulnerable of falling into the same traps as many Empires throughout history and it is only by maintaining its anti-imperial character that the nation can guard against this slide into Empire. Since the demise of the Soviet Union, which constituted an active threat to the United States, the greatest threat for the United States has clearly come from terrorism. Since the attacks on September 11 the level of this perceived threat has only escalated and it led George W. Bush to declare a war on terror. This war on terror has exposed some fundamental sources of American weakness. It has shown that despite the awesome military strength of the United States establishing order in the aftermath of the Iraq war was very difficult. In fact, September 11 showed that at times the United States was not even able to guarantee the safety of its citizens within its own borders, despite its enormous power, strength and resources. The war on terror has also raised questions about the ability of the US military to deal with the Al-Qaeda threat, which certainly cannot overwhelm the US military but at the same time the military cannot defeat the terrorists and their guerilla tactics when they encounter them. Indeed many have argued that the invasion s of Afghanistan and Iraq have been highly counterproductive in combating terrorism. Michael Scheuer, a 20-year CIA veteran has argued that US military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan have left both countries seething with anti-U.S. sentiment, fertile grounds for the expansion of Al-Qaeda and kindred groups. He adds that the invasions were exactly what bin Laden and his associates had hoped for, since they gave new evidence to Muslims that Americans were the new crusaders, foreign infidels bent on conquest[17]. This is a major problem for the United States, because even though it does not affect Americas military power it has led to a loss of soft power for the United States. The invasion of Iraq in particular led to splits in the Security Council and has impeded the efforts of the United States to act as the worlds moral authority and thereby set the worlds agenda. Other actions such as the creation of Guantà ¡namo Bay and the abuses at Abu Ghraib have further damaged the credi bility of the United States to proclaim itself as the worlds greatest champion of human rights. This has created a backlash against American values, especially in the Islamic world and has led to the perception that American influence is corrupting and negative. Another potential source of weakness for the United States is the precarious nature of its current economic condition and the doubts about the long-term sustainability of public and private debt levels. If the United States loses its position at the top of the global economy this could have serious implications for the extent global power that the United States can wield. Let us now turn to examine the rise of China. Few countries are poised to have more impact on the world over the next 15-20 years than China. If current trends persist, by 2025 China will have the worlds second largest economy and will be a leading military power[18]. The question is whether the United States will view the expansion of Chinese power as a threat or whether the Americans and Chinese can build a positive and mutually beneficial partnership. If they are able to do the latter then one could argue that China does not stand in the way of continued US global hegemony. The two nations could engage to a significant extent and create sustained worldwide economic growth, solve regional disputes and also work together to combat the threats posed by rogue states and terrorism. However, if tensions between the two Pacific powers worsen, the whole of Eastern Eurasia could become divided in a new cold war, and the prospects for confrontation and conflict would seem certain to rise[19 ]. Webber and Smith have shown that the Bush administration certainly recognised the potential threat that an increasingly powerful China could pose. In March 2001, Donald Rumsfeld, the Secretary of Defence in the Bush administration, presented a strategic assessment which suggested that China was to be regarded as Americas principal potential adversary and that greater priority, consequently, needed to be given to long-range power projection forces capable of deployment in the Asia-Pacific region[20]. Indeed a report from the United States Congress has shown that the threat from China is not solely confined to the field of the military, but that the vast growth of the Chinese economy and the manner in which it conducts trade with America could also have potentially harmful effects upon the American economy. Another concern are the large and growing U.S. trade deficits with China, which have risen from $10.4 billion in 1990 to an estimated $232 billion in 2006, and are viewed by man y Members as an indicator that China uses unfair trade practices (such as an undervalued currency and subsidies to domestic producers) to flood U.S. markets with low-cost goods and to restrict U.S. exports, and that such practices threaten American jobs, wages, and living standards[21]. Peerenboom has argued that this view of China as a threat and the resulting containment strategy is highly likely to backfire. US policy will have to abandon neoconservative policies that seek to contain China, which is the surest way to bring about the kind of military conflict and economic trade war that all hope to avoid. Portraying China as a threat that must be contained fuels animosity and undermines those constituencies in China working to ensure that Chinas rise to power is peaceful[22]. Indeed, Peerenboom argues that for all the possible sources of conflict, there are many areas where the interests of both parties are aligned[23]. Despite the assessments by the Bush administration Friedberg convincingly argues that the relationship between the United States and China is more likely to be characterised by both co-operation and conflict in the future as it has been since 1989. The fundamentally mixed character of the U.S.-China relationship will not change very much, perhaps o scillating within a fairly narrow range, with periodic shifts toward greater cooperation or increased competition, but without a clear trend in either direction[24]. If this is indeed the case then the prospects for continued US global hegemony look promising. The signs are that the two countries should be able to work together effectively to tackle the worlds problems and this will mean that the United States will be likely to be the senior partner in the relationship. The ability of the United States to continue to set the global agenda will be vital in its quest for continued hegemony. In Conclusion, we have seen that the United States continues to be the worlds lone superpower. The extent of its military power is staggering and unseen in the worlds history to this point. However, the United States continues to be the worlds lone superpower because allied to this awesome military strength is a powerful economy and soft power that can shape the dictates of policy across the world. Clearly the United States has areas of weakness and not only that but they are exposed often and frankly in todays media and in academic circles. The invasion of Iraq and the War on Terror have shown that even overwhelming military, economic and political power are not sufficient to win the battles of the 21st Century, that are often as much about winning hearts and minds on Arab streets as they are about beating Islamic fundamentalists based in caves in Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, despite these obvious deficeiencies there is no question that the sources of American strength are so overwhelming that it continues to be the worlds lone superpower. It is for this reason that the United States does not need to fear the rise of China, even if some in the Bush administration did view China as a threat. Friedberg is right to argue that the relationship between the two countries will be characterised by conflict and co-operation, but the attitude of the United States towards China will be a critical factor in determining whether the 21st Century is marked by cooperation or another Cold War. If the United States manages to deal with China effectively to tackle the worlds problems, then it will continue to be the senior and most influential partner in the relationship between the two countries. Bibliography Hill, Christopher, The Changing Politics of Foreign Policy (2003) Webber, Mark, Smith, Michael, Foreign Policy in a Transformed World (2002) Hurrell, Andrew, On Global Order (2007) Nexon, Daniel, Wright, Thomas, Whats at Stake in the American Empire Debate?, The American Political Science Review, 101 (2) (2007), pp.253-271 Hardt, Michael, Negri, Antonio, Empire (2000) Wohlforth, William Brookes, Stephen, American Primacy in Perspective, Foreign Affairs, 81 (4) (2002), pp.20-33 Bacevich, A.J., American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy (2002) Nye, Joseph, Soft Power, Foreign Policy, 80 (1990), pp.153-171 Friedberg, Aaron, The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?, International Security, 30 (2) (2005), pp.7-45 Johnson, Chalmers, The Sorrows of Empire (2004) Mann, Michael, Incoherent Empire (2005) Peerenboom, Randall, China modernises (2007) Websites: http://www.dni.gov/nic/PDF_2025/2025_Global_Trends_Final_Report.pdf http://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/?article=455 http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9B03E6DA143FF936A35752C0A9659C8B63sec=spon=pagewanted=1 http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33604.pdf Nexon, Daniel, Wright, Thomas, Whats at Stake in the American Empire Debate?, The American Political Science Review, 101 (2) (2007), pp.253 Hardt, Michael, Negri, Antonio, Empire (2000), pp.167 Hardt, Michael, Negri, Antonio, Empire (2000), pp.168 Hill, Christopher, The Changing Politics of Foreign Policy (2003), pp.18 Hardt, Michael, Negri, Antonio, Empire (2000), pp.182 http://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/?article=455 Johnson, Chalmers, The Sorrows of Empire (2004), pp.23 Johnson, Chalmers, The Sorrows of Empire (2004), pp.24 Hurrell, Andrew, On Global Order (2007), pp.262 Hurrell, Andrew, On Global Order (2007), pp.262 Wohlforth, William Brookes, Stephen, American Primacy in Perspective, Foreign Affairs, 81 (4) (2002), pp. 30-31 Bacevich, A.J., American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy (2002), pp.126 Bacevich, A.J., American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy (2002), pp.126 Nye, Joseph, Soft Power, Foreign Policy, 80 (1990), pp.154 Nye, Joseph, Soft Power, Foreign Policy, 80 (1990), pp.166 http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9B03E6DA143FF936A35752C0A9659C8B63sec=spon=pagewanted=1 Mann, Michael, Incoherent Empire (2005), pp.xvii http://www.dni.gov/nic/PDF_2025/2025_Global_Trends_Final_Report.pdf:, pp.29 Friedberg, Aaron, The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?, International Security, 30 (2) (2005), pp.8 Webber, Mark, Smith, Michael, Foreign Policy in a Transformed World (2002), pp.124 http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33604.pdf Peerenboom, Randall, China modernises (2007), pp.276 Peerenboom, Randall, China modernises (2007), pp.276 Friedberg, Aaron, The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?, International Security, 30 (2) (2005), pp.37

World War Two Essay -- WWII World War 2 Essays

World War Two On June 18, 1812, President Madison of the United States and Congress declared war on Great Britain. On June 25, the French emperor, Napoleon Bonaparte led his army in Europe across the Nieman River into Russia.(1) Although these two events were thousands of kilometers apart they were directly connected to each other. To some extent, the Americans declared war in protest against measures that were part of Britain's effort to defeat Napoleon with the use of blockades. There are many interesting aspects to the War of 1812, including the fact of why it even happened. Britain and the United States had more reasons to remain friends than to start a war. The intent of this essay is to examine American and British objectives during this war, and despite the Treaty of Ghent, conclude Canadians won the War of 1812. Britain, in their eagerness to starve out France, set up a series of blockades along the European coast.(2) These blockades sought to exclude neutral ships from trading with France and her Allies. The very powerful British Royal Navy would search American vessels, most times within sight of land. British deserters provided England with the excuse it needed to search American ships at sea. Desertions were commonplace in the Royal Navy, harsh treatment and punishments were a way of life to British seamen. In comparison, crews on American merchant vessels enjoyed much better treatment, lots of food, good pay and above all, limited punishment. Royal Navy boarding parties arbitrarily selected deserters who, for their crimes were whipped, strung up by the yardarm or keelhauled.(3) As a bonus, the British impressed, kidnapped would be a better word, the most fit and healthy among the American crews into the Royal Navy, and in most cases seized the cargo. Facing well armed British warships, American merchant ships were powerless to resist and were sometimes captured outright. This treatment of American people and vessels at sea would not go unnoticed by the newly formed colonies of the United States. In his speech to congress June 1,1812 President Madison anger at the British Royal Navy and their tactics on the open seas, was very apparent "Thousands of American citizens under the safeguard of public law and the national flag   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  have been torn from their country and everything dear to them... Against this crying enormity, which Great Brit... ...ton, Flames Across The Border, p.224-5 43.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ibid., p.225 44.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ibid., p.226 45.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ibid., p.227 46.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Stanley, 1812 Land Operations, p.260 47.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ibid., p.261 48.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ibid., p.268 49.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Berton, Flames Across The Border, p.40 50.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ronald Way, "The Day of Chrysler's Farm,"   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Canadian Geographic Journal (June,1961) p.216 51.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Berton, Flames Across The Border, p.283 52.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Stanley, 1812 Land Operations, p.340 53.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ibid., p.377 54.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ibid., p.338 55.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ibid., p.381 56.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ibid., p.393 57.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Glen Frankfurter, Baneful Domination (Ontario, 1971) p.113-4 58.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Morton, Military History. p.70 59.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Berton, Flames Across The Border. p.405 60.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Richard Gwyn, The 49th Paradox Canada in North America (Toronto, 1985) p.22 61.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Frankfurter, Baneful Domination. p.113-4 62.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Berton, Flames Across The Border. p.22-3 63  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  C.P. Stacey, "The War of 1812 In Canadian History."   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Ontario History (Summer 1958) p.154-5 64.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Arthur Campbell Turner, The Unique Partnership Britain and The United States   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  (New York, 1971) p.33 65.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Robert Craig Brown and S.F. Wise, Canada Views The United States   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  (Washington, 1967) p.42

Examples of how changes in the environment affect organisations Essay

According to Rob Watkins (2008) organisations are entities made up of interrelated parts which are intertwined with the outside world (the external environment). Business organizations and firms have to be wary of external influences that can affect their organization this can be a positive affect or negative effect. There are many factors that have an impact on the way organizations operate. Thus where an organization suffers from an external influence they need to adapt their products or services. Pestle stand for ‘Political, Economical, Social, Technological, Legal and Environmental. In this report I am going to use 4 articles which are about a specific firm and discuss how each one suffers from one of the factors of the PESTLE analysis 1.Tube gets first Wi-Fi connection at Charing Cross 1.1Technology is one external factor from the PESTLE analysis, The article is about project Wi-Fi which is about the introduction of the first Wi-Fi access in London undergrounds by the company BT. The company I’m going to talk about is BT, they aim to put on a six-month trial which will allow commuters to connect to the internet while on the train, and enable them to check emails and browse the net. Investment in technology and innovation is seen as a key success for an enterprise (Rob Watkins, 2008, p10). BT trialling Wi-Fi on the tube is going to have a positive effect on its sale for broadband as more customers are going to be enticed by its additional benefit of using the broadband service on the tube while travelling for example to work. 1.2The article states how the service will be free for BT broadband customers as a result this may gain them a competitive advantage against the likes of other competitors such as Talk Talk and Virgin. The reason for this would be because customers might be more inclined to switch to BT internet service for this extra feature they provide that no other internet services offer. As the maturity of technology is developing and the use of technology is increasing, this means that BT are able promote their service and attract a wide range of internet users and become even more popular within the nation. 1.3Though this new implementation of technology can be very advantageous it does have its disadvantages, for example one disadvantage in this case is the implementation of Wi-Fi in the underground could put the city at risk of terrorist attacks and with the Olympics coming up it raises huge security concern. 1.4One Advantage of Wi-Fi in the tube would be more efficient as it would allow customers to check their email, complete some work they could be doing in the office, in the tube thus saving them time that could be better used by allowing them to do more work in the office that could improve the overall performance and making the company more money. 2.Nintendo hit as high Yen takes its toll on business 2.1Economic factor is another external influence from the PESTLE analysis, an organization has to be wary of these factors as it can have consequences on the businesses aggregate performance. For example the article states how due to the price of the Yen increasing this has caused Nintendo sales revenue to diminish as they are hit by the high ‘value’ of the Yen. The rising value of the Yen reduces the value of profits made abroad when converted back to the Japanese Yen. 2.2In all cases of changes in demand and supply the resulting changes in price act as both signals and incentives, a fall in demand is signalled by a fall in price, therefore this acts as incentive for firms to produce less of goods as they are now less profitable to produce. (Rob Watkins, 2008 pg 291). The article also states Nintendo sales also fell first half of the year partly due to lower demand for its Wii console. This will act as an incentive for Nintendo to stop producing more Wii consoles. 2.3Japan has little they can do with their currency, they are able to intervene in the currency market and do a lot of rounds of quantitative easing. However, this will not have lasting effects as competitive devaluation means it will be a race to the bottom as much larger countries, such as the US and China to also devalue which will only lead to temporary increases thus causing all parties to lose in the end. It’s also an expensive move that will ultimately return very little. Currency fluctuations are unavoidable as developing nations grow and weakening the Yen will only be a temporary solution for Japan. 3.Water to be tested from BP Oil Spill’ 3.1Environmental influence is another external factor from the PESTLE analysis, Environmental considerations are an important influence on business behaviour, particularly for the large companies. It is argued that businesses have a duty that goes beyond the organization and to a corporate social responsibility, particularly with regard to the environment. â€Å"Corporate social responsibility means that a corporation should be held accountable for any of its actions that affect people, their communities and their environment† (Rob Watkins, 2008, p652). 3.2The news article is about the ecological impact the BP oil spill caused to the waters, this article concerns that of south of New Orleans, US coast guard reported seeing an area of discoloured water which could be from the oil spill.. Overall this disaster has had negative impacts on the environment and also the company shares and profits had fallen dramatically. The discharge of oil spill on the Gulf of Mexico has also had major health concerns. 3.3Environmental disasters can cause the government to get involved; the government tend to impose heavy penalties which often have unfortunate consequence for the company. All countries have environmental laws and policies based on a regulatory regime imposed by governments at different spatial levels (Economics for business, Ian Worthington, Chris Britton, Andy Rees P435). 3.4Environmental factors can have consequences on small firms that operate within the affected areas. For example the article states s that â€Å"local fishermen have reported seeing miles-long strings of weathered oil on the sea†. This disaster can affect animals and their habitats in the sea and thus can have negative impact on local fishermen’s supply and livelihood. 4.EU to launch Google search investigation 4.1The legal factor is another influence from the PESTLE analysis; Businesses operate within a framework of law which has a significant impact on various aspects of their existence (Rob Watkins, 2008 Pg 11). This article states â€Å"The EU launched a formal investigation into Google following allegations that the internet giant has abused its dominant position in the search and advertising market†. Clearly the external factor here concerns monopoly, monopoly is defined as â€Å"†. The monopolist has considerable market power and can determine price or quantity (The Business Environment, Rob Watkins, 2008). 4.2The problem with monopoly is it disrupts the free market because it creates a dead weight loss. Dead weight loss is defined as â€Å"the loss of consumer plus producer surplus in imperfect markets† In this case for example if Google manage to monopolize the advertising industry this will have serious consequence on businesses trying to establish themselves as Google will be able to price how much they went to advertise a company The problem with monopoly is it disrupts the freemarket because it creates a dead weight loss Once u has market domination in that field the business can do whatever they want and don’t innovate because they don’t need to Can act as an incentive Reference Worthington, I., Britton, C. And Rees, A. (2001) Economics for Business, Blending Theory and Practice (Essex): Pearsons Education Limited http://www.cityam.com/news-and-analysis/nintendo-hit-high-yen-takes-its-toll-business http://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/2010/oct/29/tube-wifi-charing-cross http://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/2010/nov/30/google-search-eu-investigation http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2010/nov/09/oil-spill-inquiry-culture-complacency-bp http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/water-to-be-tested–for-oil-from-bp-spill-2115657.html

An Interesting Article About The Marshmallow Test

As a community college students, everyone knows we need to manage our time wisely to get everything done on time, even though with life and school it isn’t easy. That way we don’t get behind and get overwhelmed with our busy life. Sarah D. Sparks wrote an interesting article about the Marshmallow Test. I found it interesting that all the times I thought I was multitasking, I was actually just attention switching. Steven Covey’s Quadrant Matrix helped me realize where I needed to do to improve my personal time management. I hope you can learn how to improve your life by using the information you learn from my paper. Sarah D. Sparks wrote an interesting article in â€Å"Education Week,† that shows that multitasking is not an activity that reflects great results for most people. Sparks learned from Larry D. Rosen’s study that 13 to 18 year olds use an average of four to six types of technology simultaneously while they are not in school. Did you know when people multitask they never actually fully focus on anything? For people to do multiple things at once, it actually takes them longer to complete each task than if they did them one at a time. If someone has to make a decision, there will be a delay in their thinking process. In Sarah D. Sparks’ article, she refers to Steven G. Yantis’s research that explained that people who multitask actually perform lower on memory and attention tests than people who did not. This is due to them focusing more on their distractions. The effect ofShow MoreRelatedThe Likeliness of Being Different1504 Words   |  7 PagesLikeliness of Being Different Based on every class, every story, and every essay I ve sat through learning or writing about Human Development, I don t think I can fit the term into the simple definition that it is the unfolding of the human potential in each person s unique environment. It just feels like so much more. 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For the 2012 edition: This book is dedicated to my wife